To the workers, the valiant people on the streets, and seekers of justice: All power to the streets!

In the sixth month of the new phase of war unleashed by the brutal imperialist-Zionist aggression of the US and Israel against Iran, our society and the entire region stand at one of the most sensitive moments in their history. What is taking place in this war today and the outcomes resulting from it do not merely affect our lives today; This war will shape a new configuration of the country and the region that will endure for generations. Not only we, but our children and our children's children will live in a world shaped by the outcome of this war—a war which, like other decisive wars in history, will not end merely with a change in the relations between the opposing states, but will also forge a different balance between the classes of the haves and the have-nots, the capitalists and the workers. And what takes shape in this war-born alignment will no longer be easily reversible. If these changes turn out to be to the detriment of the deprived classes of society, their children will bear the burden of this deprivation for generations; and if they prove beneficial to these classes, the sweet fruits thereof will remain, at least for a long time. It is for this very reason that at such sensitive historical moments, one can no longer manage affairs as before. This is a period of heavy political, economic, and military upheavals that do not follow the usual rules of times of peaceful societal evolution. It is an extraordinary era that demands extraordinary responses. For Iran, this immediate, necessary, and vital response, in our view, lies in only one thing: stripping power from the government and parliament and transferring all power to the streets. Either all forces desiring change in the interest of the deprived masses of society will act in unity along this path and achieve success, or the fate of society will be dictated by the ruling classes, and heavy catastrophes await us. For this very reason, we deem it necessary to address you—you workers, the valiant people on the streets, and all seekers of justice who are currently struggling to eliminate today's injustices.

Worker comrades,

We begin first with you. You who, over the past four decades, have witnessed the erosion of your social gains and the gradual, or at times precipitous, decline in your standard of living. You who, all these years, have watched presidents, chief justices, and various parliamentary speakers constantly flirting, consulting, and horse-trading with representatives of capital to secure the grand interests of the capitalists, while answering your most modest demands with the language of the whip, threats, imprisonment, and punishment. You who have watched your rights shrink piece by piece, and today, the vast majority of you must even yearn for a stable employment contract in exchange for being exploited.

From the day the first missiles of this new phase of aggressive war were fired, it was clear that society and the government would no longer be what they were before the war began. The historical moment in which the war took place and the contradictions that led to it dictated that the war's results would not be limited merely to a shift in the balance of power between the warring parties, but would also lead to a transformation in class relations within society. The process that—led by the chambers of commerce and the unbridled assault of capital's representatives and functionaries in the government and their lackeys in parliament—was already underway before the war began, and had found expression in the tragedy of bloody Dey 1404, either had to be stopped or accelerated. Halting it depended on the struggle of society's deprived classes, while accelerating it was on the agenda of the entire state apparatus and the pillars of the regime—from the heads of the three branches of government to the administrative body, media levers, and the network of mercenary "experts" of the ruling class. And today, six months later, we must admit that the camp of those on top—the spokespersons of capital and wealth and the defenders of society's parasitic minority—has proven stronger than our camp as workers. The result of their power and our weakness is reflected today in an exchange rate exceeding 200,000 tomans per dollar and inflation surpassing 100 percent on the essential necessities of our lives, and manifests itself in the unbridled decisions of state officials—unconcerned with the miseries wrought by war—to further redistribute social wealth from the bottom up, from the empty pockets of the deprived masses into the bulging sacks of the ruling class's parasites.

Of course, over these past six months, just like in all the months and years before, the struggles of you contract workers, nurses, retirees, sanitation workers, and others have continued. But it must be clear to you by now that despite all the importance and inevitability of these struggles, there is little prospect of their success. The coercive power of material living conditions is a sharp tool in the hands of the ruling class to push back and defeat our struggles. This unequal power cannot be overcome in those small, scattered arenas of workshop struggle. Those workplace struggles will expand their true power only when they are tied to the great transformations currently taking place, drawing strength from them and in turn influencing them. And the fulcrum of these great transformations today is on the streets and in the nighttime demonstrations of the valiant people against war and imperialist-Zionist aggression. This is the force that, beyond this or that workshop, will be able to shift the balance of power in favor of society's deprived. Under conditions where a decisive war over the future of society is underway, significant victories cannot be achieved in arenas outside the main theater of war. If the outcomes of that main theater of war will have lasting impacts on all our lives, then one must recognize the importance of that primary battlefield and intervene in it in such a way that the camp of the ruling classes is weakened and the camp of the deprived is strengthened. In other words, even though many of you worker comrades have joined the struggle of the people on the streets in this or that nighttime arena, nevertheless, no sign of your unified presence has been seen in those gatherings. This is while the prevailing tendency in the nighttime street gatherings is not the defense of mega-capitalists, stock speculators, charlatans, and swindlers, but rather the defense of the deprived and the improvement of their livelihoods. If your presence in front of the management office within a workshop or hospital, or in front of the municipality or social insurance buildings for back pay, retirement rights, and the like is the most normal form of your daily struggle, in these turbulent times one must realize that those other forms no longer suffice. The power of those struggles increases when your statements are also read out at nighttime street gatherings and your rightful demands are placed on the foundation of social solidarity. This ready-made ground has sprung from the womb of conditions, and by ignoring it, you will not only forfeit a historical opportunity to elevate the class struggle, but you will also leave the door open for further assaults on your standard of living and deeper misery. At the very least, this movement provides the necessary space for your presence and your struggle in the arena of great transformations.

Worker comrades,

Many of you have despaired of bringing about change within the current political and economic structure. If the continuous decline in living standards, poverty, destitution, and the yearning for suitable housing were not enough to lead to this despair, the bloody repressions of Aban 98 and bloody Dey 1404 are more than enough to have brought about this disillusionment and hopelessness. Indeed, prior to the outbreak of the aggressive war, no force capable of change was visible on the horizon of society. Only the fascist vultures and jackals—mercenaries of imperialist power centers—presented themselves as symbols of change, and nothing more. These were the very forces that paved the way for the bloody crimes of the aggressors in the present war and, in that bloody Dey, committed crimes to the absolute limit of their capacity. However, the reality of today's Iranian society is that a force has risen from the heart of social structures and from within society itself that can and must be strengthened. What is unfolding in the streets is a genuine movement, not a simple tool in the hands of the government. This is a movement that can also serve as a tribune for your protests. Today is the time to tie your routine, demand-driven struggles to this broad movement, infuse it with strength, and draw support from it. Nothing stands in your way. Send your delegations of representatives to the public squares and request to speak. Write your demands on placards and display them publicly in the squares. Rest assured that among the valiant people on the streets, you will find more than enough opponents of the rent-seeking, swindling minority who will support your struggle and become your voice.

Valiant people on the streets,

It has now been more than six months that you have turned the arena of the streets into a steadfast fortress against the imperialist-Zionist aggression against the country. The action you have undertaken is unprecedented in the contemporary world, both in terms of continuous mass presence on the streets and because of the role that street gatherings have assumed in relation to the war. Contemporary history records few examples of such popular fervor in the streets for such a prolonged period. Not for a night or two, but for more than 190 consecutive nights thus far, you have occupied the streets to raise your voice of protest against this imperialist-Zionist war and to show that you will not remain silent in the face of the threat to the foundations of your social existence by an aggressive force, nor will you yield the field to the mercenaries of imperialist-Zionist reaction and their payroll-dependent fascist lumpens.

But going even further, your act of seizing the streets effectively introduced a new factor into modern warfare. For the first time in human history, continuous popular presence on the streets has functioned not merely as a factor to reinforce the home front of a war, but as an independent front in an all-out war.Just as the current war in Iran constitutes a unique example, your action was—and remains—equally unique.

Unlike the color revolutions of past decades, the ongoing imperialist-Zionist aggression did not follow directly in the wake of a color revolution; rather, it took place after the failure of a series of attempts to realize a color revolution accompanied by a coup from within the ruling establishment, of which the bloody events of Dey 1404 formed the latest act so far. What was taking place in this war was not merely a territorial assault. It was an offensive against one of the last societies in the contemporary world that still bases its legitimacy on a twentieth-century revolution—a revolution whose heritage has been preserved, not just formally in official state ideology, but genuinely in the dynamic of social relations where, even after half a century, resistance to state power and a refusal to blindly submit to state decrees remain its defining characteristics. This heritage had been exposed to the heaviest ideological and political onslaughts in recent years, and brought to the brink of destruction through the activation of the most degenerate political tendencies in the form of monarchist lumpen-fascism, only to regain its life through the heroic response of you, the valiant people, and to stand today as an unignorable, highly effective factor in pushing back the front of domestic mercenaries and the agents of imperialism and Zionism.

What you have done deserves the highest praise. However, now, after six months and with the continuous assaults from the incumbent government and all the forces of the "Consensus" front, it must be clear that one can no longer advance without recognizing the current weaknesses of your movement in the streets and overcoming them. On the contrary, the time has now arrived when the street movement faces the threat of exhaustion, and the Consensus forces—relying on their executive levers, economic-political might, and media apparatus—will gradually marginalize your movement on the streets, either completely eliminating it from the scene or utilizing it as a tool for their own interests. From the very beginning, the street movement was an unequal battle against enemies in sheep's clothing who needed the help of the streets to maintain their position within the system against their monarchist lumpen-fascist rivals and their imperialist and Zionist masters—only to target the streets themselves once that rival threat was neutralized. These wolves in sheep's clothing possess not only the executive levers of the state apparatus but also vast financial and economic resources, allowing them to first confine the streets to isolated protests without concern and then gradually remove them from the equations of power.

While you participate in nighttime demonstrations burdened by worries about tomorrow's bread, or temporarily withdraw to preserve your ability to work, they spend their nights in aristocratic banquets and their children indulge in luxury cafes. It must be clear that in the streets you are not merely confronting the agents of a foreign enemy; you are also facing an aristocracy that completely controls the entire state apparatus and the pillars of the regime. The very nature of your movement lies precisely in this: on the one hand, you are fighting a foreign enemy, and on the other hand, you are facing a government that is both seeking to compromise with that very aggressive enemy and pull Iran into the orbit controlled by the imperialist-Zionist bloc, while simultaneously striving to reorganize domestic capitalism by redistributing wealth to the detriment of the deprived masses and to the benefit of society's parasitic minority. Today, six months after the start of the new round of war, it is undeniable that you are forced to battle on two fronts: both the front of fighting the aggressors and the front of class struggle.

This heavy struggle cannot be advanced without overcoming its most significant weaknesses. And the primary weakness of the street movement is its conception of its own role as an assisting factor to the "system." Throughout this period of passionate struggle, the street has constantly sought to correct the "errors of officials" and to strengthen the forces following the leadership of Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei against the compromisers and capitulationists of the Consensus front. The past six months should have shown that this conception must now be brought to an end. While you in the streets succeed, at the cost of immense energy, in gaining momentary and mostly symbolic concessions, they in the government and state apparatus take actions that effortlessly produce genuine, tangible changes in the balance of power. Thousands of your slogans fade instantly in the face of a single action by the Central Bank and the Ministry of Economy in driving up currency rates. A single cabinet decision by the lackeys of the Chamber of Commerce and the ardent devotees of Wall Street and Davos can reduce all your efforts to nothing and scatter them to the wind. This state of affairs must be brought to an end, and to end this situation, the street's other weakness must be overcome.

To the same extent that the street sees itself in the role of a force to reform the "errors of the officials" of the system, to that same extent it remains incapable of grasping this fundamental reality: what must be undertaken at the present historical moment is not the reform of the "errors" of this or that government, but the transformation of the structures that over the past four decades have been shaped by the holders of power and wealth, the mega-capitalists, and their colorful agents, leading to a system in which insiders, oligarchs, and aristocrats stand alongside and above the deprived masses who consider themselves the ideological foundation of the system, while the mass of deprived workers, barred from intervening in politics, remain outside this circle with their demands. A system in which figures like Marashi, Rouhani, Zarif, and Akhoundi are insiders, placed in the same rank as a religious Snapp driver, while worker figures like Mirghaffari and Khonifar are deemed outsiders and defined as being on the opposite side. It is no exaggeration to say that the current misery of society is the product of this very cleavage among the deprived masses of society. The war has illuminated like a floodlight that what dominates Iranian society under the name of the system is in truth an alliance between mega-capitalists and their political lackeys on one side, and a section of the deprived masses on the streets on the other.

This structure must be altered. This alliance must be smashed and replaced by another alliance—something of which little trace is seen in the streets. If the street movement demands victory in confronting imperialist-Zionist aggression, it must accept the reality that this victory is impossible without shifting class relations internally and without pushing back the mega-capitalists, stock speculators, financial czars, and their lackeys who are today embodied in the "Consensus" government. Instead of being a tribune for this or that "official," the street must become a tribune for expressing the demands of workers. Instead of inviting this or that member of parliament, the street must invite workers' representatives to speak. Instead of embodying "unity" with Consensus fixers, the street must display class unity against them. Only in this way can the street transform into a force for carrying out the necessary changes in the political and economic structures of the country. Instead of lecturing, guiding, and counseling the oligarchs and bankers, the street must become the arena for their elimination.

This is a task that lies above all within the responsibility of the political currents carrying the street movement—that is, within the responsibility of all those who consider themselves seekers of justice and are fighting both against imperialist-Zionist aggression and against class injustice and discrimination. Let us address them.

Seekers of justice,

Our words are directed at you. We use the broad and encompassing term "seekers of justice" because it embraces the full spectrum of forces that, regardless of factional lines, ideology, creed, or relationship to the ruling political structure, strive and struggle for the well-being of the majority of working and toiling masses. This can include the ideological base of the system or currents and parties favoring social justice within and on the margins of the governmental structure; it can encompass the anti-imperialist fighter who considers themselves part of the Global South left and struggles for a multipolar world order, or the communist activist pursuing the cause of social revolution. The truth is that from the very first moments of its formation, the spontaneous street movement became a vessel for the social presence of all these forces and, in turn, drew strength from their presence. Above all, it is this diverse spectrum that can play a pivotal role in determining the destiny of the streets, preventing the exhaustion of this struggle and leading it to victory.

Dear friends and comrades,

It must also be clear to you that the streets, under their current arrangements, will not be able to advance any further and, at best, will only act as a hindrance in slowing down—rather than stopping—the onslaught of the ruling class. If the street initially entered the fray as a war front against the army of monarchist lumpen-fascist mercenaries, it now faces a much more complex situation. As long as the aggressor enemy and its mercenary lackets were the target of street assaults, a section of the internal enemies of the deprived classes—the mega-capitalists and their lackey statesmen—also initially sought the preservation of their privileged position in the economic and political arenas by consolidating the ranks of the streets and pushing back the external enemy and its mercenaries. With the military defeats of the imperialist-Zionist enemy and the subduing of their lumpen-fascist mercenaries, the street had already become a threat to the parasitic minority ruling over the system, and its containment and elimination were placed on the agenda. This was a very difficult situation for the valiant people on the streets, who on one hand faced the mounting pressure of those at the top, and on the other hand were exposed to the latent threat of the lumpen-fascist force in the lower layers of political developments—a force that could at any moment, by intensifying class divides, reactivate and reopen its currently dormant front. The reality is that the street currently lacks a favorable position to simultaneously confront these two threats, and if the status quo continues, no future awaits it other than exhaustion.

The most fundamental cause of this chaotic situation lies in the fact that the street's combat against the invading force and its domestic mercenaries simultaneously appeared as a struggle to preserve a system whose fundamental positions are controlled by ruling classes whose primary concern is precisely to reach an agreement with those same invading enemies to preserve their apparatus of plunder and exploitation. This is an intensely contradictory situation where, on the one hand, the street across the entire contemporary world appears as the vanguard of mass struggle against Zionism—which is contemporary fascism—and imperialism, while on the other hand, its heroism is placed in the service of preserving a rotten structure that is the product of three decades of corruption among the ruling classes within the political structure. Nothing expresses this incurable decay as much as the nauseating combination of the "Consensus" forces: a sub-political president who is a disgrace to Iran's proud society on the global stage, a parliamentary speaker corrupt to the bone and petty who considers tossing a scrap of a bone called a "memorandum of understanding" for people to lick an honor for himself, and a judiciary that directs all its efforts toward pardoning major corrupt figures while imposing the harshest punishments for the defenseless foot soldiers of rebellious riots. The placement of this corrupt ensemble at the head of the political structure was by no means an accidental event; it is the product of an era of development of the most ruthless and conscience-free type of liberalism within the system, which—devoid of any social responsibility even in comparison to ruling classes in other countries—proceeded to suck the lifeblood of society and the country. Fat leeches whose vigor and freshness derive from the blood sucked from the vital arteries of society. The incumbent state apparatus with all its appurtenances—from the cabinet of ministers to the dormant parliament, the judiciary, and its media and academic appendages—is the result of a long course of comprehensive class struggle from above, imposed by the classes ruling over society. This corrupt apparatus cannot be guided onto the right path through minor reforms. The way to combat this organized class corruption is not enlightenment, correcting "cognitive errors," or rectifying "calculative errors." The way to combat this corruption is surgery, and nothing else. Only by exercising power can one confront the corrupt power of this dominant apparatus, and this is precisely the greatest weakness of the street.

We wish to state explicitly that the primary responsibility for this fundamental weakness must be sought not in the street movement itself, but in the forces that have effectively taken charge of shaping the political frameworks of the street movement. In other words, the valiant people entered the fray with power, but they lack leaders who, with wisdom and daring, can guide this movement toward victory. While the current turbulent times demand actions commensurate with such an era, the political tendencies shaping the street movement are still employing tools and methods suited to normal times of calm and gradual political evolution. Not only the military war of the invading enemy, but also the war of attrition waged by the ruling class's state apparatus against the working and toiling masses are constantly inflicting deep wounds upon the body of society. Yet from the opposite side—from the popular resistance of the street movement—what is observed is little more than verbal threats, calls for enlightenment, and, worse still, preparations for an illusory electoral struggle two years from now to elect a better president or parliament.Society faces the risk of destruction from one moment to the next, while the orators in the streets are either occupied with drafting annual plans or, through enlightenment, seeking to reform the conduct of statesmen who are fundamentally unreformable. While the people's spontaneous placards on the streets grasp the existential threat that the continuation of the status quo poses every moment and demand the dismissal of the sub-political president and the government of the oligarchs' lackeys, the political groupings that could transform this movement into an active force and organize it as a power against the ruling authority are busy exposing this or that action by this or that statesman and unmasking this or that chamber of commerce or trust capitalist. There is no deadlier error than hoping for the reform of the system's foundations, or even pinning hopes on strengthening it instead of building the foundations of the street masses' power. Pointing out the danger to those who are connected by a thousand class, political, and ideological ties to that very ruling class, and hoping for the authority of a regime that is itself continuously tearing apart social cohesion, will result in nothing except blunting the sharp edge of the mass struggle on the streets and helping to exhaust it.

What should have happened in the streets over the past six months was not enlightenment regarding the villainy of "Captain" Qalibaf and the sub-political, loutish-loving president, but the preparation of the streets for the exercise of power. And for this exercise of power, the rotten structure that had formed within the system first had to be fractured and a new structure prepared. A system in which figures like the Executives of Construction, Rouhani, Zarif, and the mega-capitalists of the Chambers of Commerce have taken the reins of affairs into their own hands, while the worker and the unemployed—driven to despair by the soaring prices of basic food necessities, shelter, and pencils and notebooks for their children—are pushed into street riots and turmoil, is not only not worth preserving, but must be rapidly replaced with a new structure. Today's alliance between the ideological bases of the system and the mega-capitalists and oligarchs—which is renewed in every election cycle for another four-year term—must be smashed, and a new alliance of all toiling masses must be formed, whether those who participate in Quds Day marches today or those who, despairing of reforming things, pin their hopes on the illusory assistance of the West. Every moment of the existing governmental structure's survival means drawing closer to the abyss of ruin and destruction and moving further away from the prospects of liberation and public well-being. The notion that things will change with the appointment of this or that official in this or that institution is an illusory notion. Even if the best and most competent individuals are employed in sensitive posts, the organized power network that has formed over decades and systematically works to integrate Iran into the constellation of US-centric states while keeping all structures under its control will render all these efforts ineffective—just as in Raisi's 13th administration, the policy of closeness to the East and joining the Shanghai and BRICS pacts was practically neutralized and turned into a pointless show, while in contrast, the policy of bowing down to the corrupt sheikhdoms of the region under the guise of a neighborhood policy was placed at the center of statecraft, and pushed Raisi's government toward the diplomatic management of the genocide in Gaza. Just as the initial labor minister of this government—who for the first time in decades, by raising wages above the inflation rate, had succeeded in slightly improving both the condition of workers and employment—was swiftly toppled and replaced by a rabid, anti-worker, free-market reactionary.

Today too, while society needs solidarity and empathy more than ever to face the consequences of aggressive war and alleviate the pressure on millions of low-income families whose modest tables have been shrunk even further by the war, this incorrigible network—without any sense of shame—once again allocates public wealth resources, through measures such as allocating currency for importing foreign cars, to serve the needs of the parasitic affluent minority and the street-cruising of their spoiled children in the upscale northern neighborhoods of the city. With the opening of every luxury cafe in the pleasant-weather districts of major or tourist cities, the pressure exerted by the representatives of this class on the valiant people of the streets increases from one side, and their sabotage maneuvers to force the country into submission are pursued more overtly and shamelessly. If anyone still considers the astonishing coordination of the dominant Consensus faction's policies with the White House's policies to be the result of a cognitive or calculative error by statesmen and captains, they either understand nothing about the world of politics or are themselves a shame-faced Consensus apologist. From the very beginning, this coordination was a calculated policy to separate the various fronts of regional battle and abandon Palestine, Lebanon, and Syria to the Zio-fascists of Tel Aviv in exchange for reaching a separate agreement with the grand master in the White House. As long as the reins of power remain in the hands of this government and this parliament, one must expect every day more sabotage aimed at weakening the ranks of anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist combat—sabotage in which the humiliating statements of the sub-political president display only the visible tip of the iceberg of these efforts. There should be no doubt that behind the scenes, far more extensive and terrifying conspiracies are underway. The successive blows of the Zionists in Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria, delivered without fear of any consequences, could not have occurred without such covert agreements.

Friends and comrades, all you who consider yourselves seekers of justice or anti-imperialist fighters and struggle for the well-being and prosperity of all and the dignity of life: the present moment is the most critical juncture determining the fate of our society and our region. Hesitation in taking decisive action while the invading external enemy and its domestic mega-capitalist lackeys have entered the fray with absolute resolve; believing the promises and vows of the leaders of the government and the "Consensus" parliament while they deceitfully conspire day and night, surrendering positions one after another to the imperialist and Zionist enemies—will only pave the way for catastrophes far greater than the miseries of recent months. The time has come for decisive action, and this decisive action at the present moment is, above and beyond everything else, stripping power from the established centers of power—the government and parliament—and exercising control over the judiciary.

Only and exclusively the organized force of the working and toiling masses can save society from the horrifying quagmire ahead and prevent it from plunging into a vortex that will bring ruin, pain, and suffering for generations. Do not hope that reformist saviors will emerge from within the ruling class to rescue society. Do not fall into the trap of the illusion that by increasing a dose of authority within the government, you can rein in the mega-capitalists and financial magnates and use their power to lead society out of this plight and rebuild its future. Today's straitjacket is not a calamity sent down from the heavens; it is the product of the functioning of those very forces. Even if there are those among them who care slightly for the destiny of the general public, trusting in them is still leading the masses down a dead end. The core body of mega-capitalists and financial czars in Iran has coalesced and consolidated to such an extent that it must be swept aside only through decisive action, not by locally strengthening this or that faction within the ruling class itself. And this decisive action is nothing other than transferring all power to the chosen representatives of the street.

Do not doubt that the problems and potential costs of running affairs through organs and institutions sprung from the street movement will be vastly less than the damages that the incumbent government inflicts upon society at every moment. Rely on the creativity of the masses, who in all natural disasters over past years also bore the main burden of repairing the ruins. Look at the extensive solidarity initiatives to counter the damages of bombings that appeared across the country at the very beginning of this round of war, reviving the seeds of hope for the future in the heart of bloody days.

Call workers' representatives to the gatherings and overcome the divide within society's deprived classes.

Turn street gatherings into a tribune for society's true producers, into the voice of workers' righteous demands. Assist them so that they, in turn, can assist the street movement.

In the public squares and gatherings, shout for the stripping of power from the government and the dissolution of parliament.

Call upon the leader of the system to employ his legal authority in this direction.

In speeches and seminars, bring the plans for guiding the war and administering society into open discussion.

Form the necessary committees, fronts, and coalitions to mobilize the maximum social force for the immediate removal of the ruling classes from power, rather than preparing for a hypothetical election in a future that may never arrive.

The time has come to act revolutionary. Do not hesitate. The resolute support of the communists will also be with you.

Communist Preparation Organization (Tadaroke Kommunisti - Iran)

September 6, 2026 (Shahrivar 15, 1405)

Website: http://tadarok.org

Email: tadarok@yandex.com

Telegram: https://t.me/ttadarok