The Looming Catastrophe and a Transitional Program to Confront It

1. Background

The imperialist-Zionist war of aggression against Iran, which began last year with the Twelve-Day War and subsequently continued with the Forty-Day War, and which has persisted to this day with varying degrees of intensity, has placed Iranian society before a decisive historical crossroads. The concurrence of this imperialist offensive with the turbulent international situation was by no means accidental; rather, the offensive itself is fundamentally a product of that very global turmoil. The war against Iran is one of the fronts—and, at the present moment, the most decisive front—of the ongoing worldwide conflict over the redivision of global markets and the redefinition of spheres of influence among the world's most powerful states. This is a conflict that has already plunged the world into two devastating world wars, each claiming the lives of tens of millions of people. There is, however, one distinctive feature of the present conflict that characterizes it apart from the two periods leading up to the First and Second World Wars: the structural unity of all the countries in which capitalist relations have reached their highest stages of development, i.e, the countries commonly referred to in political literature as the West, a bloc led by the United States of America as its primary pole. Whereas in the two previous world wars the principal centers of the opposing forces were located within these Western countries themselves, today the entirety of this structural unity—despite its internal contradictions—stands aligned, more or less collectively, against the rising bloc of countries commonly referred to as the Global South, with China and Russia at their forefront as the leading economic and military powers.

2. The Rise of Political Reaction: Zionist Fascism

The present historical moment differs from the periods leading up to the two previous world wars in yet another important respect. The world has entered this turbulent period at a time when its dominant mode of production—the capitalist order—has exhausted its entire ideological arsenal and all its instruments of governance and, unlike in the turbulent periods of the past, it has no alternative to offer the world. The capitalist crisis of overproduction, which since 2008–2009 has exposed the impossibility of entering a relatively sustained period of economic prosperity, has simultaneously laid bare the practical bankruptcy of all the responses offered thus far. In all countries where capitalist relations have reached their highest levels of development, every previous response—from conservatism to liberalism to social-democracy—has lost its credibility, giving way to a growing tendency toward political reaction and a return to fascism, which in its new form, Zionism, has experienced a remarkable resurgence. A fascism that—through a blend of the most reactionary facets of liberal doctrines and Malthusian theories, or in combination with new forms of so-called protest subcultures under the guise of the Left, or in an amalgamation with the most backward and superstitious sectarian and racist beliefs—has become the sole alternative offered by the declining Western bourgeoisie. Either fascism in left-wing guise or fascism behind a religious mask—but in both cases, Zionist fascism.

For this dominant Zionist fascism, the question is no longer one of finding solutions for peaceful coexistence with opposing nations or civilizational spheres , but rather one of launching an offensive aimed at annihilating the very foundations of anything that stands in the way of preserving its supremacy. This response corresponds precisely to the fundamental impasses confronting capital accumulation and the attainment of a sustained period of economic prosperity. It is by no means accidental that the Middle East, and Israel in particular, has become the spearhead of this fascism on the global stage. Israel, as the most naked, most inhumane, most brutal, and most vile form of domination, symbolizes the entire barbarism of contemporary fascism, and has become the ideal model for all Nazi gangs and fascist mobs, the techno-fascist leaders of Silicon Valley corporations, and all crisis-ridden Western states. Israel is the embodiment and crystallization of all the crimes that these thugs aspire to commit but either lack the power to carry out or have not yet reached the stage of perpetrating in such an unconcealed manner.

The response of the rising poles of the multi-polar world to this ascendant political reaction was not to radically confront it, but rather to seek ways of peacefully coexisting with it. This was a disastrous response for all the oppressed masses subjected to crushing exploitation, aggression, and occupation; and Palestine was left at the bottom of this horrific abyss, condemned to accept this fate for eternity.

3. The Eruption of Resistance in Gaza

The eruption of resistance in Gaza on October 7 was the official declaration of non-compliance with this global order of domination and an expression of resolve to shatter the international system. Just as Israel represented the spearhead of the dominant reactionary world order and the most lethal embodiment of domination by the most advanced forms of capital, so too Gaza embodied the most deprived contingent of the global proletariat. This was the very contingent that capital, trapped in its own predicament, now regarded as a surplus population that had to be eliminated. Now this surplus population had risen, raising the banner of life against the banner of death. Israel set out to annihilate Palestine, while Palestine, in turn, had no path to liberation other than the eradication of Israel. Gaza raised this banner and, in doing so, crossed the boundaries established by all parties involved in international conflicts, opening up an entirely new horizon. Regardless of which pole would ultimately prevail in the conflict among the great world powers, Israel would have been regarded—if not as a pillar—at least as a consolidated element of the future multi-polar world. Operation Al-Aqsa Flood was a declaration that this outcome would not be recognized. The war aimed at the eradication of the adversary, which until then had been unfolding in a concealed manner, had now officially begun. Both the strength and the weakness of Al-Aqsa Flood lay precisely here. It was this refusal to recognize the boundaries dominating international relations that led a considerable section of the world's oppressed to suddenly identify the fate of Gaza and Palestine with their own and rise in its support. And it was also for this very reason that, throughout the world, in every country without exception, not a single state joined the struggle initiated by Gaza. Even those who came forward in support of Gaza on the international stage called for an end to the genocide, rather than the elimination of the machinery of genocide itself.

The same was true of the Islamic Republic of Iran. For all the years leading up to Al-Aqsa Flood, the Islamic Republic, as the central stronghold of the Axis of Resistance, had constituted the principal cornerstone of support for the Palestinian movement. Yet with Al-Aqsa Flood, the Islamic Republic suddenly found itself confronted with a terrifying prospect. While the ruling class of the Islamic Republic had supported the Axis of Resistance, it had simultaneously spent the preceding years pursuing the normalization of relations with neighboring countries. Gaza now threatened to nullify all these efforts. At precisely the moment when the Islamic Republic of Iran could have reaped the fruits of years of work to strengthen the foundations of the Axis of Resistance, it became terrified of the consequences of that very success. While only outwardly remaining the republic of “The Road to Quds Passes Through Karbala,” the Islamic Republic had, in practice, long since become a republic of “Neither Gaza nor Lebanon, My Life for Iran.” With the Al-Aqsa Flood, the policy of the Islamic Republic became one of containing it and preventing any possibility of its expansion into Iran—failing to recognize that Gaza had permanently destroyed the dynamics sustaining the existing equilibrium. If, throughout the years of the civil war in Syria and the war in Ukraine, it had still been possible to speak of avoiding the transformation of these conflicts into wars of life and death, Gaza brought that possibility to an end once and for all. The question of the war spreading to Iran was now merely a matter of time.

4. Iran’s Distinctive Character: The Continuation of the Era of Twentieth-Century Revolutions

Alongside all the fundamental causes of the global conflict over the division of spheres of influence, and in parallel with the rise of the political reaction of Zionist fascism, another arena of struggle was once again moving to the center of international conflicts. As the reactionary campaign of the “War on Terror” and the numerous military interventions in Iraq, Syria, and Libya had exhausted their potential, the anti-communist reaction, which had achieved its greatest victory with the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, was once again targeting countries where the remnants of twentieth-century revolutions and left-wing movements were still visible. The hollow rhetoric of democracy and human rights was giving way to overt anti-communism. Throughout Latin America, a wave of Zionist dictatorships was organized through the mockery of democratic standards and overt anti-communism. In many of these countries, this led to the seizure of power and the overthrow of left-wing governments. The US military assault, carried out in collaboration with the corrupt leaders of the Venezuelan state, and the abduction of the country’s president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, represented the culmination thus far of this anti-communist offensive. This operation also played a significant role in encouraging the United States to launch its war of aggression against Iran and laid the groundwork for a subsequent large-scale assault on heroic Cuba.

The rise of the lumpen-fascist monarchist gangs in Iran, and their emergence as the principal force of the opposition, must also be understood against this background. Up to this point, the various opposition currents to the Islamic Republic, despite their varying degrees of hostility toward the regime and their opposition to the 1979 Revolution, had not yet fully turned against that revolution itself. In the guise of republicanism and while opposing the Islamic Republic, they presented themselves as revolutionaries and heirs to the defeated Revolution of 1979, claiming to defend the republican form that had emerged from that revolution—a republic that, in their view, merely needed to be freed from its Islamic constraint. With the monarchist gangs, however, the complete eradication of that revolution and a return to the pre-revolutionary era were placed on the agenda. This was precisely the force that could most effectively become an instrument in the service of the aggressive imperialist-Zionist bloc.

For the United States, Iran was significant not merely because it evoked the Revolution of 1979, but also because it was a country that, as a result of that very revolution, had been thrown out of the orbit of American satellite states. This gave Iran an additional and exceptional significance.

Lastly, for Israel, which had now officially entered a war of life and death against the Palestinians, Iran had to be eliminated as a factor of insecurity.

All the prerequisites for an existential war were now in place, and the war began with precisely these objectives.

5. The Intensification of Class Struggle in Iran

Unlike situations in which war catalyzes class unity around national interests, the war in Iran assumed entirely different forms. On the one hand, this war unfolded as an extension of the class conflicts within Iranian society and against the backdrop of those very conflicts. On one side of these conflicts stood primarily the lumpen-fascist monarchist forces, which, alongside their appropriation of the legitimate demands of the masses, pursued the complete eradication of the revolutionary legacy of Iranian society and the elimination of all the effects of the 1979 Revolution. This force had now effectively entered the war as the fifth column of the aggressor enemy.

On the other hand, the class conflict within the regime itself, between the economically dominant class and the remaining adherents of an Islamic government based on Islamic democracy, was approaching its conclusion with the election of the fourteenth administration. The conflict that had officially and openly begun with the 2009 elections, now under the fourteenth administration and its Pact of National Consensus (‘Peyman-e Vefaq-e Melli’) among the regime's most powerful factions, was entering its final stages of transforming the Islamic Republic, erasing the last remaining traces of the 1979 Revolution from society and the state, and reintegrating Iran into the American sphere of satellite states. The process that had begun with the JCPOA had to be brought to completion. While in foreign policy integration into the American-led order constituted the ultimate objective of this powerful faction within the ruling class, in the domestic sphere of economic and social policy, the most radical de-statization and rolling back of the state from public services and social protections, along with handing over the helm of policy to centers of economic power, was being seriously pursued.

The war encouraged the dominant tendency within the regime to accelerate the implementation of its anti-social policies, not only to demonstrate to the domestic bourgeoisie that it would remain loyal to their interests even under the most difficult circumstances, but also to present itself as a desirable alternative in the eyes of the imperialist-Zionist bloc. “They must first recognize us as legitimate interlocutors” was an expression of precisely this approach on the part of the head of the fourteenth administration. The dominant faction within the Islamic Republic confronted the lumpen-fascist monarchist current not as an enemy, but rather as a competitor offering a better commodity to the same buyer. The enemy of both was the masses of the people who, shaken by the shock of the February 28 strikes, the assassination of the regime’s leaders, and the subsequent massacre of the children of Minab, had suddenly overcome their lethargy and entered the arena with an unrestrainable force. The streets of Iran could now understand Gaza. The existential war had now been recognized in Iran as well—if not by the ruling class, then by the streets, or at least by broad sections of those who had taken to them.

What unfolded over the past months was the at times gradual, at times rapid—at times concealed, at times overt—development of a multifaceted struggle in which Iran’s position within regional and global politics was at stake. Either Iran would join the American sphere of satellite states, or it would emerge beyond the framework of the existing international order as an entity carrying the seeds of an entirely new international order. Iran could not, and cannot, attain a stable position even within the frameworks of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and BRICS. In all international alliances, Israel’s existence is accepted as a predetermined fact. And Israel, which regards the destruction of Iran as a unified country as an indispensable objective for consolidating its own existence as Greater Israel, will not abandon the pursuit of this objective for even a moment. On the other hand, the same applies to the Iranian streets. The streets of Iran have now also entered an existential war with Israel. Accordingly, no stable political configuration for Iran is conceivable with the present alignment of the forces involved.

In the sphere of economic policy, too, what is currently unfolding in Iran is an open economic war between the deprived masses and the powerful centers of the ruling class. The opposing sides of this conflict can, in general terms, be expressed through two objectives: the market or justice. And this, too, is a struggle that will determine the course of history.

6. On the Necessity of Transforming Political and Economic Structures

Victory or defeat in the ongoing all-encompassing war will mean, for the overwhelming majority of the working and toiling masses, either the opening of new horizons of prosperity for future generations or a descent into a horrifying abyss of misery, poverty, destitution, and catastrophe. The working and toiling masses must not and cannot be defeated in this historic and epoch-making struggle. They must emerge victorious. The most fundamental obstacle standing in their way, however, is the rigid and repressive structure of the political system that has taken shape over successive decades. Within this structure, all organs of governance—from administrative and executive bodies to legal and legislative institutions, from cultural and media establishments to economic institutions—have been systematically fashioned, without exception, in such a way that representatives of the deprived classes of society have not even the slightest role in them; conversely, this entire vast apparatus has been placed at the service of the economically dominant class: the capitalist class. Even within the ruling class itself, it is the interests of the grand bourgeoisie that ultimately prevail—from financial magnates to commercial and industrial holdings, down to the bureaucrats who serve as their functionaries. It is this vast apparatus that has vigorously pursued the integration of Iran into the US-centric system of states and dictates the policies of the government, parliament, and judiciary. The actions taken thus far by the young Leader of the Islamic Republic have also demonstrated that no effective force exists within the regime capable of changing its international and domestic orientation in favor of the working and toiling masses. Unless the political and economic structures are transformed in such a way that the dominant class loses at least a substantial portion of its instruments of power, while the working and toiling masses acquire a position from which they can exercise power and determine the direction of the political system, a dark and bleak period awaits Iranian society and the entire region. Under the existing political system, not only is there no prospect whatsoever of an improvement in conditions, but, on the contrary, its present trajectory will eliminate even the last remaining traces of the 1979 Revolution from society. In the sphere of international politics, Iran will be reduced to a puppet serving the financial markets of Wall Street and London. In the domestic sphere, even the meager remnants of the rights of the working and toiling masses will be swept away.

The war has brought Iranian society to the edge of a terrifying precipice. Yet this very war has also awakened the eroded forces of resistance within society and brought them into the arena. If the state machinery of the dominant class is the force driving society toward catastrophe, the streets represent a rising dynamic that can and must be transformed into an emancipatory force, capable of playing its rightful role in determining the destiny of society. For this historic task to be accomplished, however, fundamental transformations within the movement of the streets are indispensable.

Part Two: The Streets

1. The Streets: From an Instrument of Pressure to an Organ of Power

What happened after February 28 was an entirely unexpected phenomenon. The American military strategy of Shock and Awe, which was intended to intimidate society and reduce it to a state of passivity, produced precisely the opposite result. Only the wealthiest and most affluent strata of society were intimidated, packing up and fleeing toward their villas at upscale countryside retreats. The working and toiling masses, by contrast, were enraged and stepped onto the battlefield. Those who had once taken to the streets on January 12 against the reactionary terror of Mossad’s lumpen-fascist mercenaries stepped this time onto the battlefield with an even firmer resolve to defend the very existence of society. They correctly discerned that what was unfolding was not a temporary war or a passing confrontation, but a war over their very existence. It was they who were the most adept political practitioners in Iranian society, not the idiotic and sellout politicians at the helm of affairs.

At a moment when the military balance still seemed to be overwhelmingly in favor of the aggressors, the torrential might of the streets established itself as the principal force safeguarding society—and, indeed, the ruling political system itself. The consolidation of the streets as a political force also meant that they had to be taken into account by the government and its political brokers in parliament and the judiciary—their first impact manifesting in the defeat of the plan to establish a Leadership Council instead of electing a new Leader. The masses who had flooded the streets were neither willing nor able to acquiesce to a situation in which invading forces could assassinate the country's highest official and thereby alter the trajectory of society. These masses demanded continuity and ultimately succeeded in securing it through the selection of the late leader's son.

The election of Ayatollah Seyyed Mojtaba Khamenei, however, did not signify a qualitative shift in the balance of forces within the ruling class. If Khamenei the father, with the entire consolidated and well-established apparatus of the Leader's Office and all the authority he enjoyed among the military, had been unable to restrain the growing desire of the capitalist class to break through the shell of the Islamic Republic, secularize the political system, and integrate it into the American-led order, how then could his newly empowered son prevent the voracious sharks who had seized control of the entire machinery of government—including its military apparatus—from pursuing the same course? This was especially true given that he was not even able to make a public appearance on the political stage. The greatest achievement the leader of the Islamic Republic could hope for was to avoid being assassinated himself. And in this endeavor, the only force that could come to his aid was the people in the streets.

The Leader therefore sought to strengthen the streets in the hope that they, in turn, could reinforce his own position. Yet this course of motion could not offer lasting resistance against the soft and gradual—yet immense, all-encompassing, and mounting—pressure exerted by the ruling class embodied as civil society. This was particularly so because economic leverage stood at the center of these pressures. To the same extent that the bulk of the ruling class enjoyed economic privileges and was therefore insulated from the deterioration of economic conditions, to the same degree and more, the overwhelming majority of the masses in the streets were deprived of such privileges and exposed to the most severe economic pressures. To this must be added the psychological warfare waged by the ruling class, which, as the state of war dragged on, gradually increased in both intensity and variety. This ranged from the humiliation of people in the streets across social media and mass media to degrading street performances staged by mobs of hired women, and even government-organized spectacles such as the marathon held in Tehran simultaneously with military exercises. What had previously manifested itself in the humiliation of regime supporters by a quasi-fascist civil society, dragging the sphere of social communication and interaction down to the absolute nadir of pornographic sexual vulgarity, was now openly coming to the defense of the imperialist-Zionist aggressors. The vulgarity of the earlier period, already intertwined with violence, had now, in the form of naked normative violence and the imposition of an atmosphere of terror, been directed against all sincere and honorable activists engaged in the anti-imperialist struggle, extending even into families. It was not only the regime-change opposition abroad that, with Reza Pahlavi becoming its principal pole, had officially transformed itself into a lumpen-fascist force. Domestic civil society, too, had cast off its mask, replacing its professed tolerance and willingness to engage in dialogue with verbal terrorism. A colossal monster now stood confronting the streets.

In the face of this monster, all the efforts and sacrifices of the people were incapable of overcoming the structural deficiency of the street movement; nor would they be capable of doing so in the future. It was evident from the outset that maintaining the streets merely as an instrument of pressure would be possible only for a short period, and that over the medium and long term the street movement would become exhausted. And indeed, as the war persisted, the strength of the streets diminished, while the ruling class launched its counteroffensive against them—cautiously at first, and then with increasing audacity. The streets, as an instrument of pressure, are clearly no longer capable of meeting the demands of the present situation. This instrument of pressure must be transformed into an organ for the exercise of power. Achieving this requires both changes within the streets themselves and a broadening of the composition of the forces participating in them.

2. Towards an Assembly of Representatives of the Streets

The streets were unable to consolidate or even preserve their initial momentum primarily because they lacked the organizational structures necessary to meet the demands of a movement engaged in war. Neither the instruments at their disposal, nor their formation, nor, subsequently, the composition of their participants was adequate to enable them to develop their strength and exert a lasting influence on the course of political developments. The incoherent leadership of the streets, and the role played by sections of the regime in shaping and directing them in service of the political objectives of the 'Vefaq-e Melli' (National Consensus) project—or, on the other hand, merely exploiting them as an instrument of pressure against that project—effectively deprived the streets of any possibility of expanding their influence and contributed to their gradual exhaustion.

Among the tendencies present in the streets, none proved capable of recognizing the importance of transforming the amorphous street movement into an organized movement with clearly defined structures and systematic mechanisms of decision-making. Neither the strata associated with or situated on the margins of the regime, nor the forces independent of the regime but opposed to imperialist aggression—who were likewise present in the streets—made any significant effort to organize the streets. Among certain social forces, the role of the streets was even dismissed as insignificant. Others, under the influence of the propaganda of the pro-imperialist secular left, exaggerated the religious character of the streets and consequently distanced themselves from the streets. Unless these deficiencies are overcome, the streets will be unable to thwart the offensive of the ruling classes, both domestically and within the ranks of the invading forces. Especially since the state apparatus, with its determined pursuit of integration into the US-centric order, brings closer with every step the danger of an even more devastating war, while simultaneously intensifying the threat of suppressing the just struggle against the unjust and aggressive imperialist-Zionist war. The first step toward overcoming these deficiencies and organizing the street movement in a manner that enables it to advance toward the exercise of power is the formation of assemblies of representatives of the streets within the demonstrations themselves.

The past seven months have demonstrated that the streets contain a considerable number of capable protagonists with a profound understanding of international and domestic conditions as well as the country's fundamental problems. Many of them have demonstrated, through eloquent speeches and substantive discussions, their capacity to govern the state. The knowledge, commitment, sense of responsibility, and comprehensive understanding of the country's problems displayed by protagonists of the streets are undoubtedly far superior to those of the callow Chicago Boys and the half-witted protégés of the Niavaran School. Yet while the streets offered the possibility of uniting all these forces into a unified organ to govern the state, their utilization remained confined merely to that of a platform for exerting pressure. Even up to this point, this deficiency could already have cost society as a whole, as well as the fate of the war, dearly. If it persists, however, its consequences will undoubtedly be devastating, neutralizing the only force that offers hope for changing existing conditions and achieving victory in the war against aggression.

The most fundamental cause of this unpardonable neglect must be sought in the uncontested dominance of the parliamentary rules of the game and adherence to the law. While the class enemies of the working and toiling masses, both domestic and within the ranks of the imperialist-Zionist forces, violate all their own established rules and laws without the slightest hesitation whenever their interests demand it, the streets continue to confine themselves to expressing demands to the government. While the coup-plotting Speaker of Parliament has casually rendered a cornerstone of the Islamic Republic's own constitution inoperative, the streets continue to demand the reopening of a parliament that elected that very same coup-plotter as its Speaker by an overwhelming majority. While a president responsible for the deaths of hundreds of Iranian youths and the devastation of the lives of millions of families—together with his sellout, prostituted foreign minister—freely roams the country's political arena conspiring against the interests of the masses, the streets continue to appeal for his prosecution to the head of a judiciary who is himself his close ally and intimate crony. The authorities actively reshape the facts on the ground; meanwhile, the forces of the streets launch campaigns in cyberspace , awaiting the next round of elections to be held in two years. The situation in society, the country, and the region is shifting from moment to moment and day after day, yet the streets remain preoccupied with elections two years from now—oblivious to the fact that in two years there may no longer even be a country left in which to hold an election. And even if the country survives under its present configuration—ruled by the meetings of the heads of the three branches of government and a fictitious six-member body—there is absolutely no guarantee that any election will take place be held in two years at all. The street movement need only cast a brief glance at that clown dictator in Ukraine to see how the “free and democratic world” can readily dispense with elections altogether.

What the streets need is the formation of assemblies of representatives and the assertion of their claim to intervene in the affairs of the state, rather than merely putting forward expectations before a corrupt and wheeling-dealing apparatus. It is through the formation of these assemblies of representatives that the streets can act not as an amorphous, heterogeneous mass, but as a united force with effective political weight, capable of emerging as a contender against the state apparatus. Only under such conditions can the streets assert themselves as a claimant to rescuing society from the impending catastrophe and win the confidence of the vast masses of workers and toilers who, pushed to the brink by the poverty and destitution brought upon them by the regime, have either retreated into political apathy or—disregarding the dangers entailed by the destruction of society's structures—gone so far as to wish for the triumph of the most decadent imperialist reactionaries, Zionist murderers, and their lumpen-fascist mercenaries.

Unless decisive steps are taken to integrate the working-class masses into the ranks of the streets and to link their just demands with the objectives of the street movement, the prospects of success, if they exist at all, will remain extremely limited. The streets, by definition, constitute a gathering of citizens without playing any role in the material foundations of society. It is the workers upon whose shoulders the material life of society rests. Power grounded in the workers' role in producing social wealth can also endow the streets with considerable material force, transforming their threats into a serious danger for the holders of power and capital. With workers participating in the ranks of the streets, fewer political brokers among capital's lackeys within the state apparatus would dare to act arrogantly toward them.

The same holds true for the role and position of women in the street movement. The mass participation of women from diverse social backgrounds and with varied dress—veiled and unveiled standing side by side—was one of the decisive factors in the initial demonstration of the streets' power and in neutralizing the media propaganda of warmongers and bellicose forces. The streets succeeded in displaying beautiful manifestations of civic life, bringing forth a deeply rooted model of social tolerance and forbearance that exposed the hollowness and deceptive nature of liberalism's professed tolerance and forbearance. Here, it was the common cause that formed the foundation of tolerance, forbearance, and social coexistence, rather than the pursuit of individual interests. Precisely where a profound rift had emerged half a century earlier among the forces participating in the 1979 Revolution—over the crucial question of women's emancipation—the streets succeeded in overcoming this historical rift and playing an epoch-making role in healing this deep wound on the social body. This beautiful convergence, a source of social strength and vitality, must not be allowed to be shattered from either side by religious dogmatism or hedonistic secularism, tearing that deep wound open once again. The streets demonstrated that all members of society, women and men alike, and women whether veiled or unveiled, are capable of fighting shoulder to shoulder against the vampiric forces of capital for the common cause of constructing a humane society and achieving universal prosperity. This auspicious milestone must be cherished and guarded like the apple of one's eye. And this will not be possible without fighting dogmatism within the ranks of the streets and without resolutely confronting and ostracizing the legion of capital's shrewish agitators.

Part Three: Immediate Measures

A. Political Measures

1. Immediate termination of secret diplomacy, except in matters concerning national security related to the war and military developments. Any violation of this principle must be criminalized.

2. Immediate and unconditional abrogation of the agreements concluded under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and its secret annexes.

3. Withdrawal from the Paris Agreement on climate change.

4. Immediate revocation of all commitments under the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the Palermo Convention, the Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism (CFT), and similar frameworks.

5. Severance or downgrading of diplomatic relations with all hostile countries that have played a role in the imperialist-Zionist aggression.

6. Conditioning any negotiations with the United States upon the withdrawal of US forces from all countries sharing land or maritime borders with Iran.

7. Conditioning any negotiations with the United States upon the withdrawal of Israeli occupation and invading forces from Lebanon, Gaza, and the West Bank.

8. Immediate and public trial of Hassan Rouhani on charges of the premeditated murder of hundreds of people during the events of November 2019, and of Mohammad Javad Zarif on charges of high treason, with the imposition of the maximum penalty.

B. Economic Measures

1. Immediate reinstatement or provision of equivalent employment for workers who have been terminated under the pretext of wartime conditions.

2. Arrest and prosecution of profiteering employers who have suspended production despite viable production conditions, or who have terminated protesting and striking workers.

3. Nationalization of foreign trade and dismantling the grip of intermediaries and brokers.

4. A complete prohibition on the transfer of capital out of the country, with the imposition of the maximum penalty for any violation.

5. Imposition of the maximum penalty for hoarding.

6. Immediate nationalization of banks and core industries, including petrochemicals, steel, cement, oil, and mining. Annulment of the privatization of sugarcane agro-industrial complexes and the Moghan Agro-Industrial Complex.

7. A complete and absolute ban on the importation of luxury goods, ranging from decorative products to automobiles. Placing the import of essential goods, such as necessary medications for critically ill patients, at the absolute apex of foreign exchange allocation priorities.

8. A complete prohibition on labor subcontracting and third-party labor contracting.

9. Imposition of travel bans on all beneficiaries of the privatization of major enterprises until all outstanding debts have been fully settled.

10. Imposition of travel bans on all individuals accused of corruption and bribery.

11. Confiscation of vacant residential properties belonging to wealthy expatriates, as well as property hoarders and housing speculators, and their allocation to low-income tenant families.

12. An absolute prohibition on rent increases under wartime conditions, together with the criminalization of forced evictions of tenants.

13. Severing economic ties and networks dependent on the Persian Gulf sheikhdoms, particularly the United Arab Emirates.

14. Strict enforcement of the “Where Did You Get It From?” principle to ensure transparent scrutiny of the assets and wealth of state officials.

C. Social Welfare Measures

1. A complete ban on private educational institutions and the establishment of free, universal education at all levels.

2. Immediate implementation of a free meal program for all primary and secondary school children up to the age of sixteen.

3. A complete ban on private hospitals, medical centers, and clinics, and the establishment of a fully universal and free public healthcare system.

4. Free urban public transportation.

Concluding Statement

We, the participants in the Extraordinary Conference of the Communist Preparation Organization, believe that taking steps toward the realization of these objectives is a vital and unavoidable necessity at the present historical juncture. The state apparatus of the ruling class—through the broadest consensus achieved thus far under the banner of 'Vefaq-e Melli' (National Consensus), and by bringing together the entire force of the Pezeshkian cabinet, the parliament under the leadership of Ghalibaf’s corrupt clique, the judiciary, the administrative apparatus, an army of media and academic institutions, and powerful economic centers—is rapidly draining the lifeblood of society and driving the country and the region toward grave catastrophes. Whether through surrendering the nation’s will to the imperialist-Zionist criminals or through driving the country toward a devastating defeat in the face of an all-out assault by the aggressors, the ruling class will undoubtedly bring upon generations to come nothing but misery, destruction, and devastation.

We believe that a relentless struggle against the ruling class is now the only way to prevent the country from falling into the horrific abyss that has opened before it. This is a struggle that demands the broadest possible unity of the lower classes of society—from workers, toilers, teachers, and nurses to all wage-earning strata upon whose shoulders the heavy burden of the country rests. Against the consensus of those at the top, those at the bottom must forge their own class alliance with the utmost speed. The unity of the working and toiling classes against the consensus of the parasitic and superfluous classes: this is the urgent task of the present historical moment. And the streets constitute the principal arena for its realization.

We call upon all communists, anti-imperialist forces, and proponents of social justice and human dignity to transcend their dividing ideological considerations and, through the maximum possible convergence, forge the broadest possible unity around the objective of stripping the executive branch and parliament of power and securing popular oversight over the judiciary. This is a struggle that must begin from this very moment, fought across multiple fronts and over numerous positions—fronts and positions that have been outlined in the immediate measures set out above. Let us elevate the streets into a site of collective deliberation for this struggle and into a convergence point for all working and toiling people. There are countless grounds for fostering such coordination, out of which assemblies of representatives of the streets can be forged. These range from the struggle for decent and adequate housing to the struggle against the parasitic subcontractors and against unemployment—in short, against any and all forms of class and social discrimination that constitute the material foundations of the present conditions of misery, and for the resolution of which there is not the slightest hope in the current rulers.

Comrades, friends, all these measures are within our reach. Their realization demands our collective will, initiative, and creativity to forge an unshakeable unity and to weld enduring bonds of solidarity.

Scattered and divided, our defeat is certain!

United and of one mind, we can prevail!

Extraordinary Conference of the Communist Preparation Organization

22 Mehr 1405

October 14, 2026

https://tadarok.org

tadarok@yandex.com

https://t.me/ttadarok